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Wang Xiangwei
Wang Xiangwei was the Post's editor-in-chief from 2012-2015. He started his 20-year career at the China Daily, before moving to the UK, where he worked at a number of news organisations, including the BBC Chinese Service. He moved to Hong Kong in 1993 and worked at the Eastern Express before joining the Post in 1996 as China business reporter. He became China editor in 2000 and deputy editor in 2007, a position he held for four years prior to being promoted to Editor-in-Chief. He has a master's degree in journalism, and a bachelor's degree in English.
Wang Xiangwei was the Post's editor-in-chief from 2012-2015. He started his 20-year career at the China Daily, before moving to the UK, where he worked at a number of news organisations, including the BBC Chinese Service. He moved to Hong Kong in 1993 and worked at the Eastern Express before joining the Post in 1996 as China business reporter. He became China editor in 2000 and deputy editor in 2007, a position he held for four years prior to being promoted to Editor-in-Chief. He has a master's degree in journalism, and a bachelor's degree in English.
Beijing’s manoeuvring highlights its resolve and suggests it feels it has the upper hand in negotiations ahead of Trump’s visit.
As mainland officials manage Hong Kong affairs through the ‘one of us’ lens, it should not affect the city’s role as a superconnector.
The ‘two sessions’ is Beijing’s chance to demonstrate reliability as nations reassess their ties with China and the US in an increasingly fragmented global order.
As the US disrupts international norms, China should reconsider its place in the world system to protect its overseas investments.
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To boost demand, Beijing must upend its long-held mantra of production over livelihoods and investment over consumption.
As the US reframes the dynamics between allies and adversaries, Beijing may see an opportunity to advance its cross-strait goals.
The city’s unique tapestry will remain strong as long as it keeps embracing the attributes that attract talent from the mainland and beyond.
It is time to embrace a new era in which the goal is not ‘made in China’ but ‘consumed in China’.
Beijing should encourage foreign dignitaries to visit and also nurture the city as a base for more international, multilateral institutions.
Reports of Chinese business leaders taking their lives have sparked concern over how to support the beleaguered private sector and protect its entrepreneurs.
Officials should do more to help Beijing figure out how Hong Kong’s unique capitalist character can best serve national interests.
His declaration that the US is done intervening could not have come at a better time for Chinese leaders, who have long fretted over Western influence undermining party rule.
While neither side wants to yield before the other, the mounting costs of the conflict mean Xi and Trump are likely to talk soon.
The US president’s moves could serve as a catalyst for China to increase domestic stimulus and forge closer ties with its major trading partners.
Amid budget constraints, the city should gear research and innovation towards sectors where it has an advantage rather than follow trends.
What better way to show the city can be a bridge for US-China relations and reinforce that it remains a good place to do business?
Beijing has no choice but to boost domestic consumption, and external pressure could force its hand on otherwise painful reforms.
Efforts to reassure residents, investors and observers have been sidetracked by a lack of clearer parameters on what Hong Kong can or can’t do in the new environment.
The ‘we-know-best’ mentality prevents market forces from playing a decisive role and affects investor confidence.
While short-term stimulus will help, Beijing must directly address the fears of businesses and households to get them spending again.
Deng’s guiding philosophy of the centrality of economic development is rarely mentioned now, and has become secondary to national security.
Deng’s guiding philosophy on the centrality of economic development is rarely mentioned now and has become secondary to national security
Trump’s return, while expected to affect how China will carry out Xi’s reforms, could also work in Beijing’s favour geopolitically.
When it comes to China, many international investors take their cue from Hong Kong’s business leaders – like they did 45 years ago.
As China prioritises exports and investments, the country’s stimulus measures have failed to adequately boost meek domestic consumption levels. Unless leaders are willing to adopt radical solutions to boost confidence, consumers will continue to keep their wallets closed.
Protecting the city’s distinct advantages calls for leaders to promote the importance of the common law system, and impress on Beijing the urgent need for Chinese officials, here and on the mainland, to study it.
People in Hong Kong, particularly the media, should still be allowed to voice diverse opinions and criticism without fear of retribution – as long as it is fair and fact-based. This will help mitigate the concern of people considering a move here and show that ‘one country, two systems’ is still alive and well.
Beijing has been slow to address the visa and e-payment woes of foreign travellers, and some officials remain complacent about the exodus of foreign investment. Amid Article 23 jitters in Hong Kong, Beijing must address the multitude of concerns.
The Ministry of State Security kept a secretive presence for years, but now it is on social media and creating a more high-profile public image. It has every reason to expand its public reach, but it must be more mindful of the potential impact of its daily musings on political and economic matters.
