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Lee Hwok-Aun

Anwar Ibrahim started this year with a spring in his step. On January 5, his “new year mandate” speech announced a raft of economic relief measures for households and small and medium-sized enterprises, alongside a few institutional reforms. Quite saliently, he also announced legislation to limit the Malaysian prime minister’s term in office.
While these plans for 2026 have been on the cards for some time, it is important to note that their roll-out follows Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) trouncing in November’s Sabah state election and mounting criticism of tardy reforms.
The proposed prime ministerial term limit of 10 years or two terms would curb the concentration of power in an individual and encourage party leadership succession. Yet the benefits of achieving these through legislation may be overstated; parliamentary systems provide certain checks and balances absent in presidential systems, where term limits are the norm.
Nonetheless, the Madani government, anchored by PH, is proceeding with this well-received 2022 election promise. Besides the principled reasons for setting term limits, Malaysians might also reflect on Mahathir Mohamad’s 24-year rule as prime minister, especially his first tenure from 1981 to 2003, which saw the erosion of democratic institutions and the rule of law. This reform costs nothing to implement and for Anwar, who is 78 and has indicated interest in serving just one more term, offers the chance to leave behind a magnanimous legacy.

But there are pitfalls to instituting the prime ministerial term limit without at the same time legislating fixed parliamentary terms – also promised in PH’s 2022 manifesto. The two reforms are conceptually linked; pursuing one without the other could increase political instability.
The complication begins with the way the limit is framed, in both duration (10 years) and number of terms (two). Malaysia’s parliamentary system, which follows the Westminster model, does not operate on a fixed electoral cycle. After a general election, the king appoints as prime minister whichever member of parliament he regards commands majority support in the House of Representatives. The newly formed parliament can last up to five years from its first sitting, but the prime minister may call an election before then or be forced out if he loses his majority. In short, the durations of both parliament and the prime ministership are indeterminate.
A two-term limit presumes that each term spans a full five-year parliament, but this is not guaranteed. Hence, the proposal also specifies a time cap of 10 years. For clarity, lawmakers must stipulate which takes precedence – time or term – and will likely be compelled to append a “whichever is longer” clause. But this invites a new set of problems.
An upper limit effectively permits leaders to stretch their tenure to a maximum. Yet legislating to stipulate “whichever is shorter” would make no sense either, as it would cap the prime minister’s tenure at two terms regardless of duration. Such a rule could produce an inordinately wide range of term limits, with a prime minister who only serves two brief one-year terms still barred from returning. This could also tempt coalition partners to withdraw support early, triggering snap elections to hasten a leader’s disqualification.
Conversely, a “whichever is longer” clause could see a prime minister be forced to step down midway through their third term once the 10-year time limit is reached. Parliament could navigate this transition and elect a new prime minister between election cycles, but the 10-year limit would operate best if it coincided with two full-term parliaments of five years each.
A prime minister helming a coalition and approaching the 10-year limit would also become increasingly vulnerable to being unseated. After eight or nine years in power, the looming expiry of his eligibility could weaken his authority and undermine his party’s electoral appeal. A coalition partner, sensing an opportunity, might then be tempted to withdraw support and trigger a snap election.

Efforts to limit the prime minister’s tenure should not inadvertently create the very instability they seek to prevent. Any reform must avoid conditions that shorten parliaments or invite disruption before a full term is served. Introducing fixed parliamentary terms would help. Legislation should include rules compelling the prime minister to complete the term, such as by making early dissolution contingent on a two-thirds majority vote, as was the case with Britain’s Fixed-term Parliaments Act (2011-2022).
Reforms should also be introduced to discourage the premature ousting of a sitting prime minister. Parliamentary rules could be amended so that a change of government requires a formal vote of no confidence inside the chamber, not through political machinations outside it. Equal allocation of constituency funds across parties would likewise weaken incentives for disaffected opposition MPs to attempt a power grab.
In theory, the proposed 10-year limit applies cumulatively, including for leaders stepping in midterm or who fail to complete a full cycle. But without fixed terms, the limit’s application could be uneven. A second term prime minister might, for example, find themselves at the nine-year mark and be tempted to call an early election to gain another five-year mandate before hitting the ceiling. Fixed-term legislation would provide a check against such personal opportunism and manipulation of electoral timing.
The Madani administration must not therefore bulldoze this reform through parliament. Instead, it should consider the case for jointly delivering the prime ministerial term limit alongside parliamentary fixed-term promises. Anwar can set the precedent by serving a full parliamentary term until January 2028, which would mean that the next general election should be held around March 2028, thus ushering in a more wholesome democratic experiment.
Anwar must surely want to institute rules that enhance parliament’s full-term durability. If he returns as prime minister, under this legislation his second term would be more secure; if he does not, passing better reforms would burnish his legacy.
Lee Hwok-Aun is Senior Fellow of the Regional Economic Studies Programme and Co-coordinator of the Malaysia Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. This article was first published on the institute’s commentary website fulcrum.sg.


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To secure his legacy, Anwar Ibrahim must ensure his reform doesn’t accidentally encourage the very political instability he seeks to prevent


To secure his legacy, Anwar Ibrahim must ensure his reform doesn’t accidentally encourage the very political instability he seeks to prevent.


Anwar Ibrahim

Malaysian politics

Asia elections

Mahathir Mohamad

Corruption in Asia

Pakatan Harapan

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.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}To secure his legacy, Anwar Ibrahim must ensure his reform doesn’t accidentally encourage the very political instability he seeks to prevent

To secure his legacy, Anwar Ibrahim must ensure his reform doesn’t accidentally encourage the very political instability he seeks to prevent