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Chandran Nair

Many around the world will recall the striking image of Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi standing side by side at the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in September.
It was there that China unveiled one of its most consequential diplomatic proposals in recent memory: the Global Governance Initiative (GGI).
Yet a quick scan reveals how little coverage this moment received in mainstream Western media. Asking “why” unearths some inconvenient truths.
Western media still views China through a Cold War lens; etched into its DNA is the conviction that only the West can shape a new world order and that it must primarily serve Western interests. Its ability to ignore or censor initiatives deemed a threat to Western dominance demonstrates its disproportionate power in shaping the global narrative.
Such selective and ideologically driven disinterest risks missing the clear signs of an emerging new world order being shaped by non-Western states. These leaders of the global majority want a fairer system not built on “might is right” as exemplified by the US’ repeated illegal actions such as the attack on Venezuela and attempts to conquer Greenland.


The GGI calls for reforming global governance to make it more just, inclusive and effective. It promotes five principles: sovereign equality, adherence to international law, genuine multilateralism, a people-centred approach and a commitment to real results.
Unlike US actions that constantly undermine international institutions, the GGI seeks to supplement – not dismantle – the UN-centred system, which China has consistently backed.
By strengthening the present system, whose failures are clear for all to see in its inability to stop the genocide in Gaza, the GGI empowers all nations to participate fully in global governance without fear of exclusion.
The GGI is also more than a single policy: it forms part of a broader diplomatic architecture that China has been steadily building over the past four years. It is the fourth pillar in a series of interlinked initiatives, each addressing a different aspect of global renewal.
The Global Development Initiative, launched in 2021, focuses on narrowing economic disparities through sustainable growth and South-South cooperation. The Global Security Initiative of 2022 promotes dialogue and shared security, favouring peace and non-interference over confrontation. The Global Civilisation Initiative, introduced in 2023, celebrates diversity and fosters mutual respect among cultures. The GGI forms the capstone that aligns these efforts with the UN Charter while adapting to an increasingly multipolar reality.

This sequencing was deliberate. Each initiative laid the groundwork for a cohesive Chinese world view in which development drives security, security enables cultural harmony, and effective governance binds them together. Collectively, these pillars articulate China’s long-term vision of building a “Community with a Shared Future for Mankind” – a modern expression of an ancient Chinese philosophy that prizes harmony and mutual prosperity over dominance and division.
To the astute observer, this vision starkly opposes the prevailing unipolar order built on outdated, neocolonial notions. Western claims of universal values often mask double standards. The same countries that invoked the banner of “democracy” to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq have been paralysed in the face of the atrocities in Gaza and Sudan. Such hypocrisy exposes a system designed to protect the privileges of a global minority that wields disproportionate influence over world affairs.
China’s approach, by contrast, is neither impulsive nor performative. It arises from a civilisational tradition grounded in the Confucian ideal of harmony through inclusivity, prioritising long-term stability over short-term expediency. For decades, Beijing has been clear about this vision and has won over many sceptics.
The GGI reflects the collective wisdom of a civilisation that values consensus over chaos. When China publicises such an initiative, it does so with the gravitas of national resolve – rooted in a firm understanding of the world’s needs.

The timing is also no coincidence. The GGI’s unveiling comes amid rising discontent with the failures of Western-led multilateralism while China has deepened multilateral ties. The SCO hosted the GGI’s debut; the Belt and Road Initiative now includes more than 150 partner nations; and Brics, supported by Brazil and South Africa, continues to demand systemic reform.
The old, post-war order is fracturing and the global majority craves truly multipolar alternatives. That is why the GGI seeks to address the major flaws in the current system by filling the gaps in representation, accountability and efficacy.
Since its launch, China has moved quickly to translate the GGI into action. At the Lanting Forum in October, Foreign Minister Wang Yi outlined implementation steps, from AI governance frameworks to SCO-led reforms with the UN. The message was clear. “Global affairs should be discussed by all, the global governance system built by all and the governance outcomes shared by all,” Wang said.
That same month, Beijing convened the Global Governance Roundtable for SCO Countries, announcing plans to deepen cross-civilisational dialogue and cultivate shared governance values. More recently, China formally established the “Group of Friends of Global Governance” at the United Nations, comprising 43 founding member states dedicated to reforming global governance through coordinated action.
Predictably, critics have reverted to Cold War-style thinking and warned that the GGI risks creating divisions. But this critique misunderstands the world as it is. The divisions already exist. It is not China’s vision that deepens the divide but the West’s refusal to relinquish its monopoly on moral and institutional authority.

By rejecting hegemony and embracing extensive consultation, the GGI seeks inclusive participation with the UN at the centre. This is best exemplified by Permanent Representative Fu Cong’s letter to the UN secretary general, reaffirming the UN’s primacy and setting out the GGI’s priorities.
In this sense, the GGI is unprecedented: it is the first viable successor with transformative potential to reimagine global governance from within the existing system. This explains why an expanding coalition of countries has embraced both it and the ethos it represents: a shared future for all humanity.
With its economic might, ideological cohesion, proven ability to mobilise and broad support, China has all the pieces in place for this shift to occur through careful design, not accident. Ignoring the GGI, therefore, amounts to more than selective ignorance; it is wilful amnesia at a pivotal moment in history.
Chandran Nair is the founder of the Global Institute for Tomorrow and a member of the Club of Rome. He is also the author of “Dismantling Global White Privilege: Equity for a Post-Western World” and “The Sustainable State: The Future of Government, Economy and Society”.


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(From right) Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin during the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin on September 1, 2025. Photo: EPA

The UN Security Council holds a meeting on the situation in Sudan last October. The GGI seeks to supplement the UN-centred system, which China has consistently backed. Photo: Handout/Xinhua

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi outlined implementation steps for the GGI during the Lanting Forum in Beijing in October. Photo: Reuters

China’s Permanent Representative to the UN Fu Cong at a meeting of the Security Council on November 20. Photo: Reuters

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China’s Global Governance Initiative seeks to end ‘might is right’, but the West insists on viewing it through a dusty Cold War lens


China’s Global Governance Initiative seeks to end ‘might is right’, but the West insists on viewing it through a dusty Cold War lens.


United Nations

Wang Yi

Fu Cong

Expresses the views, ideas and conclusions of the author. (Eg. Enough of Crazy Rich Asians, think of crazy poor Hongkongers.)


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.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}China’s Global Governance Initiative seeks to end ‘might is right’, but the West insists on viewing it through a dusty Cold War lens

China’s Global Governance Initiative seeks to end ‘might is right’, but the West insists on viewing it through a dusty Cold War lens