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Yogi Putranto

Control of the seas has long defined power in the Asia-Pacific. From strategic chokepoints to contested fishing grounds, maritime space has shaped the region’s economic lifelines and geopolitical tensions. But a quieter contest is unfolding – less visible, yet potentially more consequential.
It is not a contest over territory but over data. As satellite surveillance, digital tracking and advanced analytics transform how the ocean is monitored, a new question emerges: who controls the information that defines maritime reality?
While legal frameworks such as the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos) govern maritime zones, they do not address a critical dimension of contemporary power – control over maritime data infrastructure.
In practice, this gap is increasingly significant. Across the Asia-Pacific, states are investing in technologies that let them observe maritime activity in near real time. Vessel movements can be tracked, behavioural patterns analysed and anomalies detected long before any patrol vessel is deployed. The ocean is no longer an opaque space; it is an increasingly mapped and monitored domain.
Yet this visibility is not evenly distributed. A small number of technologically advanced actors – states and private companies – dominate the infrastructure. Satellite constellations, data platforms and analytical tools are concentrated in the hands of those with the capacity to build and maintain them. For many coastal states, especially in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, access to maritime awareness depends on external systems. This creates a layer of geopolitical dependency.
While Unclos grants coastal states sovereign rights over their exclusive economic zones, the ability to exercise those rights is increasingly mediated by access to data. A distinction is emerging between legal sovereignty and informational sovereignty. States may control their waters in law, but not fully control the information that reveals what happens within them.


In a region marked by strategic competition, this distinction matters. Maritime data is not merely technical – it is strategic. It informs enforcement decisions, shapes resource management and influences how states perceive risks and threats. Those who control data flows can shape narratives about compliance, legality and security at sea. Over time, this can translate into political leverage.
The implications are particularly acute in contested waters, where competing claims and overlapping interests already complicate governance. Enhanced surveillance can reduce ambiguity, but it can also intensify tensions by exposing activities previously unseen or deniable. In such contexts, data becomes not only a tool of governance, but also an instrument of strategic signalling.
At the same time, the growing reliance on digital systems raises questions about trust and control. If maritime data is generated or processed by external actors, how can states ensure its accuracy and integrity? If analytical tools are proprietary, to what extent can their outputs be scrutinised or challenged? And if data becomes the basis for enforcement or diplomatic claims, who ultimately bears responsibility for its interpretation? These are not abstract concerns. They go to the heart of sovereignty in the digital age.
There is also a risk that the expansion of maritime surveillance reinforces inequalities. States with advanced capabilities can monitor activities comprehensively, respond quickly to perceived violations and project authority more effectively. Others may remain partially blind within their own waters, reliant on external partners for situational awareness. This asymmetry could reshape the balance of power in subtle but enduring ways.
Moreover, as maritime governance becomes increasingly data-driven, vulnerabilities in digital infrastructure become strategic risks. Cyberattacks, signal spoofing or data manipulation could disrupt monitoring systems or distort decision-making processes. In a region where maritime disputes intersect with broader geopolitical rivalries, such vulnerabilities cannot be dismissed as purely technical issues. They are integral to security.


None of this suggests existing legal frameworks are obsolete.Unclos continues to provide a stable foundation for managing maritime space. But it was designed for an era in which information about the ocean was limited. It does not fully account for a world in which data is abundant, continuous and contested.
This creates a strategic dilemma. If states seek to strengthen control over maritime data, they may turn inward – investing in national capabilities and limiting data sharing. Yet maritime challenges, from illegal fishing to environmental degradation, often require cooperation. Balancing sovereignty with collaboration will be a defining challenge for the region.
For Asia-Pacific policymakers, the stakes are clear. Maritime governance is no longer determined solely by who controls territory, but increasingly by who controls information. Data infrastructure – satellites, analytics platforms and digital networks – is becoming as strategically important as ports, fleets and naval presence.
The ocean has not changed. But the way it is seen – and by whom – has.
Unclos defined the legal order of the seas. The emerging question is whether a parallel order, shaped by data and technology, is taking form alongside it. And if so, who will control it.


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States’ ability to exercise territorial rights is increasingly mediated by their access to satellite data and analytics, but the tech is dominated by a powerful few


States’ ability to exercise territorial rights is increasingly mediated by their access to satellite data and analytics, but the tech is dominated by a powerful few.


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Expresses the views, ideas and conclusions of the author. (Eg. Enough of Crazy Rich Asians, think of crazy poor Hongkongers.)


In Asia-Pacific, the real maritime contest is over satellite surveillance

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}States’ ability to exercise territorial rights is increasingly mediated by their access to satellite data and analytics, but the tech is dominated by a powerful few

States’ ability to exercise territorial rights is increasingly mediated by their access to satellite data and analytics, but the tech is dominated by a powerful few