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Jane Cai

It was just four months ago, on May 17, when Sun Beicheng made headlines around the world as he led a team that successfully transplanted a genetically modified pig liver into a patient with liver cancer.
By July, Sun was making headlines again, but this time he was one of six researchers named and shamed in a rare move by the Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST) for misconduct in state-funded research programmes.
According to MOST, Sun, the former vice-president of Nanjing Drum Tower Hospital in the eastern province of Jiangsu, had contacted reviewers to lobby them to approve an application he had made for state funds in 2021.
Sun’s is just one case out of many, as Beijing turns “a new page” in academic integrity and intensifies crackdowns on misconduct by researchers, according to observers – all part of China’s push to beat the United States in their tech rivalry.
Sun’s resume is an impressive one. As well as leading the breakthrough in xenotransplantation with the pig liver surgery, he was named a Yangtze River Scholar Professor by the Ministry of Education, and was recognised as a Distinguished Young Scholar by the National Science Fund in 2012.
Despite his achievements, MOST has now banned him from taking part in state-funded research projects for seven years, after finding him in violation of a 2020 regulation that prohibits “inviting” or “asking for a favour” from panel members as they decide whether a research project deserves state funds. Sun’s application has also been denied.
The other five researchers named by MOST, including leaders of some key national labs and research programmes, were given bans of up to five years for either helping Sun to approach the reviewers or for failing to report his behaviour to the regulator.
MOST also reported four cases of plagiarism in content, methodology or “innovative ideas” presented in their research proposals while applying for state funds. These researchers were also named, banned from applying for state funds for three years and added to a growing integrity blacklist as MOST vows to take a “zero tolerance” approach to academic misconduct.
“There is a distinct ‘choking the chicken to scare the monkey’ feel to [MOST’s] announcement,” said Sourabh Gupta, a senior policy specialist with the Institute for China-America Studies in Washington.
It’s an undisguised reminder ... that all would be better off staying within the lines rather than cutting corners to cheat the system for self-regarding gain
Sourabh Gupta, Institute for China-America Studies
“Just as China’s macro-development model is moving away from high-speed growth to higher-quality growth, so also, there is a burgeoning policy focus on transitioning from quantity to quality in research output. MOST’s announcement falls within this thinking.
“It’s an undisguised reminder that a new page in academic standards and research integrity has been turned – and that all would be better off staying within the lines rather than cutting corners to cheat the system for self-regarding gain.”
While academic misconduct has been a chronic and prevalent problem in China, this focus on projects seeking state funds suggests Beijing is doubling down in its pursuit for genuine breakthroughs in key technologies. And amid the sweeping anti-corruption drive in China’s military as well as the economic slowdown, the funds that are available for research projects need to be spent strategically.
It is no coincidence that the denunciation of the researchers came just one day after the ruling Communist Party concluded its third plenum, a key conclave setting the major economic policies for the next five to 10 years.
At the meeting, the top leadership decided to intensify efforts for breakthroughs in key technologies as “external suppression and containment are continuously escalating”. They also decided to improve the funding system to support basic research and “severely crack down on academic misconduct”.
The outcome of the third plenum reflects “a sense of urgency” from the top leadership to make real innovations, according to Zeng Liaoyuan, an associate professor at the University of Electronic Science and Technology of China.


Despite a decade of splashing cash, with massive amounts of state funding put towards Beijing’s tech ambitions, he said China was still being stifled by America’s export and investment curbs of chips and chip-making equipment.
Since 2014, Beijing has pumped nearly 690 billion yuan (US$97 billion) into the chip industry.
The China Integrated Circuit Industry Investment Fund – or “Big Fund” – has succeeded in getting some national champions off the ground, but it has also become a hotbed of corruption.
Meanwhile, China is still incapable of mass-producing advanced chips – such as 5nm and 3nm varieties crucial for artificial intelligence (AI) models and top-of-the-line smartphones.
“It shows a large amount of funds did not reach the right recipients,” Zeng said. “Approaching and lobbying appraisers often implies that the applicants do not qualify for state funds.”
State funds are lifelines for universities and research institutes. Access this money is widely regarded as a key measure of research strength, an institute’s reputation and a potential deciding factor for the career of university heads.
“So in many cases, lobbying reviewers is not an individual conduct. It’s a systemic problem, which could implicate employers of the researchers,” Zeng said.

The central government pledged to boost investment in science and technology by 10 per cent this year, amounting to 370.8 billion yuan (US$51.5 billion) of spending, according to the finance ministry. It marks a big jump from last year’s 2 per cent rise. However, researchers are still feeling the pinch amid the economic slowdown.
In the first half of this year, China’s fiscal revenue fell by 2.8 per cent from a year earlier, and its spending on science and technology was 1.4 per cent lower than the first six months of last year, according to the Ministry of Finance.
It has had to resort to ultra-long-term special treasury bonds, for terms of 20, 30 and 50 years, to finance key national programmes with a focus on science and technology projects. A combined 1 trillion yuan (US$140 billion) of such bonds are planned for 2024.
Meanwhile, it has become increasingly difficult this year to obtain funds from one major source – the military – according to several Chinese researchers who spoke under the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.
The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force, which oversees China’s arsenal of nuclear and ballistic missiles, has been at the centre of an anti-corruption campaign targeting the military, with a number of senior officials under investigation since last year, including former defence minister Li Shangfu.
Li, who previously oversaw military procurement, was accused of accepting “large sums of money” to seek benefits for others and was accused of bribing others. He was abruptly dismissed in October after just seven months in the post.


In a ripple effect, this year the military has tightened grips over procurement. Last month alone, the PLA Rocket Force said Xian Jiaotong University and Xian Technological University, in Shaanxi province, and Southwest Jiaotong University in Chengdu, Sichuan, had been banned from taking part in its procurement process for three years. It alleged that the universities had colluded with competing bidders or those inviting bids to determine the winner of the bidding process.
As a result of the military’s moves, more programmes are now competing for state funds. Around 380,000 research programmes applied for 14 kinds of state funds this year, up 26 per cent from last year. Nearly 50,000 programmes were successful – just 13 per cent of the total – according to data provided by the National Natural Science Foundation of China.
Michael Frank, CEO and founder of business intelligence platform Seldon Strategies and former senior fellow in the Wadhwani Centre for AI and Advanced Technologies at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) said: “The systemic issues that contribute to academic misconduct in China are not necessarily unique. The pressure to publish, competition for limited funding and weak institutional oversight are challenges around the world.
“But what really sets China apart from other countries is the central role of the state in academia.
“Government funding and policy directors heavily influence research priorities and academic career advancement. That helps to explain why the government has to act decisively to stamp out misconduct. It has positioned itself as the lone arbiter of academic integrity.”
Measures such as increasing external checks, involving more independent institutions, introducing conflict-of-interest rules, and the spotlight of free media would be helpful to address the problem, he added.


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China

Politics

By naming and shaming Chinese researchers for misconduct, China’s science ministry is doubling down on its push towards tech prowess


By naming and shaming Chinese researchers for misconduct, China’s science ministry is doubling down on its push towards tech prowess.


Why the US-China tech war has put bugs in the academic system back in Beijing’s sights

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}By naming and shaming Chinese researchers for misconduct, China’s science ministry is doubling down on its push towards tech prowess

By naming and shaming Chinese researchers for misconduct, China’s science ministry is doubling down on its push towards tech prowess