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Laura Zhou

Japan’s proposed port upgrades in Indonesia’s Natuna Islands reflect Tokyo’s push to bolster South China Sea security without building an overt military footprint. However, analysts stress that the move does not mean Jakarta is siding with Japan in its efforts to contain Beijing.
Japan, which earlier this year eased its restrictions on lethal weapons exports, is ramping up security cooperation with Indonesia – a crucial bellwether for Southeast Asia.
The expanding partnership includes joint defence industry development, intelligence cooperation and expanded military exercises in strategic waterways.
Citing Japanese government sources, Kyodo News reported earlier this month that Tokyo was planning to use its official development assistance to help upgrade Indonesia’s fishing ports to allow patrol vessels to operate in more areas.
According to the report, one potential location will be the Natuna Islands, which lie along the southern edge of China’s nine-dash line – a boundary outlining Beijing’s expansive claims in the South China Sea.
In a commentary, state-owned Global Times framed Japan’s offer as a geopolitical tactic to expand Tokyo’s intelligence gathering and strengthen its presence in the South China Sea.
“Japan seeks to push countries like Indonesia to the front lines of South China Sea rivalry, while hiding behind the scenes to orchestrate its ‘proxy gambit’,” it said.
“This allows Japan to avoid risks of direct confrontation yet reap intelligence and strategic dividends. Indonesia and other Asean nations must be particularly vigilant against this ‘wolf in sheep’s clothing’ ploy,” it continued.


The Natuna Islands lie to the northeast of Sumatra and west of Borneo in the South China Sea. The archipelago and its adjacent waters – officially named the North Natuna Sea by Indonesia in 2017 – sit astride a key shipping route. The area is also a hotspot for commercial fishing.
Chinese, Vietnamese and Indonesian fishing vessels, often escorted by coastguard ships, have occasionally clashed over marine resources in recent years.
Chen Xiangmiao, a research fellow at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, noted that Jakarta’s push to upgrade the remote resource-rich islands served both economic and sovereign ends.
He said that policymakers in Jakarta had long been wary of foreign military presence in the region, especially the Chinese.
“Indonesia has sought to develop Natuna Islands, particularly its fishing resources, and has looked to expand its military presence in the region so as to consolidate its control in the region,” he said.
Chaula Rininta Anindya, an international relations lecturer at Universitas Indonesia, noted that the project was expected to address the “grey-zone” tactics Jakarta faced in the North Natuna Sea by bolstering frontline maritime deterrence.
However, she said the plan was broader than a simple response to South China Sea issues.
Rather, she said, it reflected Indonesia’s attempt to enhance its “Large Islands Defence” strategy through the dual use of ports – hosting civilian vessels as well as military and coastguard fleets when needed.
Under its “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” strategy, Tokyo has prioritised helping Southeast Asian partners build capacity and increase awareness of maritime threats so they can safeguard critical sea lanes.
Heng Yee Kuang, a professor at the University of Tokyo’s Graduate School of Public Policy, said efforts to upgrade fishing ports were a result of the Japan-Indonesia summit in March.
At that meeting, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi emphasised cooperation in the fisheries industry, especially as Indonesia faced challenges related to illegal fishing and smuggling in the South China Sea, according to Heng.
He added that the initiative illustrated the continuity of cooperation between the two countries, as Japan had provided patrol boats for the Indonesian coastguard since the early 2000s.
The stakes for Japan are significant. Roughly 80 per cent of its energy imports and much of its maritime trade flow through the South China Sea, making stable sea lanes a core national interest.
“Indonesia’s importance to Japan has grown because of its geostrategic archipelagic location astride maritime chokepoints and key shipping lanes within Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision. Helping Indonesia address its maritime challenges is also in Japan’s enlightened self-interest,” Heng said.


However, Beijing has become increasingly alarmed by Tokyo’s growing security footprint in the region amid a downturn in Sino-Japanese ties.
Chen said that by offering security aid to Southeast Asia, Tokyo might be trying to distract Beijing from territorial disputes in the East China Sea.
“In a sense, Japan is … hoping to use the Southeast Asia region to relieve pressure or draw attention away from the East China Sea,” he said.
“More importantly, I think Japan is now engaged in a full-spectrum competition against China, not just in northeast Asia but in Southeast Asia as well, in terms of the economy, the military and diplomatic influence,” Chen said.
In the past two years, Japan and the Philippines have signed two deals to strengthen the logistics and sustainment capabilities of their armed forces, including the Reciprocal Access Agreement, which came into force last September.
At a defence ministers’ meeting in Jakarta in May, Japan and Indonesia signed a defence cooperation agreement covering military personnel development, defence industry collaboration and a mechanism for integrated defence dialogues. It institutionalises exchanges between senior officials and operational-level engagements between Japan’s Self-Defence Forces and Indonesia’s armed forces.
More crucially, the two sides also agreed to explore cooperation on defence equipment and technology aimed at boosting maritime deterrence, opening the door to future Japanese arms transfers.
Anindya said Indonesia’s role as the largest country in Southeast Asia – by size and by population – and its critical role as a co-founder of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) had made it an agenda setter in the region.
“It seems that Japan is expecting Indonesia to share a common understanding on the issue in the region, then the message could be conveyed as well at the regional level,” she said.
She added that military cooperation between Indonesia and Japan should not be seen as an alliance to counter China but a pragmatic strategy by Jakarta to work with its partners around the world.
“Indonesia is simply being pragmatic, and I believe it does not want to risk escalating tension with China. Indonesia will be careful in establishing cooperation with various countries and will remain committed to its ‘free and active’ foreign policy,” she said.
Heng noted that Japan and Indonesia did not yet have an intelligence-sharing framework for sensitive information.
He said Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto had also been careful to balance relations with China, “so Beijing can be reassured on this point”.


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Tokyo offers port upgrades to boost maritime security, but analysts say Jakarta is being pragmatic, not taking sides against Beijing


Tokyo offers port upgrades to boost maritime security, but analysts say Jakarta is being pragmatic, not taking sides against Beijing.


Japan’s Natuna port proposal highlights Indonesia’s balancing act on China

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}Tokyo offers port upgrades to boost maritime security, but analysts say Jakarta is being pragmatic, not taking sides against Beijing

Tokyo offers port upgrades to boost maritime security, but analysts say Jakarta is being pragmatic, not taking sides against Beijing