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Alice Wu

Contrary to expectations, Hong Kong’s district council elections on December 10 were quite eventful. Leading up to the poll, the government went all out to boost voter turnout, even as we were constantly reminded that turnout doesn’t matter. In addition to the ad blitz and officials passing out fliers on the streets, the government rolled out an unprecedented “Election Fun Day” extravaganza.
Compared to the blackout periods practised elsewhere, where active campaigning is disallowed just before an election so voters can consider their choices, Hong Kong’s full-on party, with pyrotechnics lighting up the night sky, was jaw-dropping.
There were also outdoor concerts, a three-hour variety show, sport activities, exhibitions, fairs and free entry to public museums. The vote-drive festivities blew the “Night Vibes Hong Kong” campaign out of the water.
And yet, the chief executive tells us not to be fixated on the voter turnout which, for the record, hit a new low of 27.5 per cent. Voter turnout is an important barometer of public sentiment. Is apathy the reason for the record low voter turnout? Or is the electorate simply rather satisfied with the government’s work and performance?
Is it because of a lack of knowledge of the newly overhauled system, where over 4 million were eligible to cast ballots for 88 directly elected seats? Or is it because people knew their vote would affect only 19 per cent of the district council make-up?
There are questions the government must answer.


The district council election results are important, especially when it comes to the implications for the future of the city’s political parties and groups.
The city’s largest political party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), emerged the biggest winner with 109 seats – 68 of which were selected through indirect elections by local committees – after fielding 121 candidates.
DAB has the competitive advantage of voter mobilisation. Experience and the local network it has cultivated for more than two decades have always helped the party and its volunteers reach out and engage with supporters. That the Federation of Trade Unions came in a distant second, with 27 seats, tells us how far the other parties are, in terms of their voter mobilisation capabilities.
Given that the aim of the overhauled system is to depoliticise elections, even more now rides on the day-to-day community work of the political parties when it comes to vying for residents’ support. Those parties that wish to continue to have a presence and influence at the district level must have the sort of network that, for now, only the DAB has had the time to build.


For any party looking ahead to the Legislative Council elections and considering putting candidates forward for the geographic constituency seats, having that presence at the district level is a necessity.
Even for the DAB, the wins were limited. It, too, must adjust to this new electoral system. While some of its members have been appointed by the chief executive, its overall influence – even though it won the most seats in the elections by a massive margin – has been diluted, especially with the chief executive having the power to make 179 appointments. DAB’s electoral wins are disproportionate to its “power” – at least in terms of voter numbers.
The party has lost almost 200,000 votes, if we compare the nearly 487,000 it received this time, with the votes it garnered in the 2021 Legco elections. What exactly this means for its performance in the next Legco election, only time will tell. But unless the DAB addresses the latest vote loss, maintaining its win will be difficult.
In all, the conclusion we can draw in terms of the future of Hong Kong’s party politics is this: the parties are still adjusting to what the overhauled electoral system means to them and how it affects the way they conduct their business. A party as big as the DAB may have to scale back in size. Smaller parties must grow and equip themselves with a more sophisticated system to communicate with the electorate.
As for the chief executive’s promise that the district councils will be more “constructive”, we shall see, especially when the government rolls out policies with a more direct impact on communities and needs the councils to play that important consultative role.
Alice Wu is a political consultant and a former associate director of the Asia Pacific Media Network at UCLA


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Opinion

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Hong Kong

Politics

Tough questions must be asked about the election’s record low voter turnout and how defanged political parties can play a more ‘constructive’ role in an overhauled system


Hong Kong district council election

Hong Kong electoral changes

Hong Kong elections

Hong Kong political reform

Hong Kong society

John Lee

Expresses the views, ideas and conclusions of the author. (Eg. Enough of Crazy Rich Asians, think of crazy poor Hongkongers.)


Hong Kong’s ‘depoliticised’ district polls raise more questions than answers

.css-1mniedq{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;}Tough questions must be asked about the election’s record low voter turnout and how defanged political parties can play a more ‘constructive’ role in an overhauled system

Tough questions must be asked about the election’s record low voter turnout and how defanged political parties can play a more ‘constructive’ role in an overhauled system