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Brian Y. S. Wong

As the decades of disillusionment with the political establishment in Hong Kong came to a head over the past year, the room for centrism has seemed, at best, minimal. At worst, it appears to be a broken promise worshipped by a dwindling, deluded crowd.
The track record of centrists has not been too reassuring, either. Some of the more vocal advocates had joined the establishment with the apparent mission of incorporating into governance milder and more progressive opinions, only for the administration to see its worst political crisis post handover.
Others have struggled under an electoral system that historically rewarded entrenched partisan polarisation – as opposed to the tepid rhetoric and seemingly ambiguous stances of centrists.
The closest the city ever got to having centrists in power was probably when former financial secretary John Tsang Chun-wah ran for chief executive in 2017. Tsang, a Western-educated, impeccably groomed bureaucrat turned heavyweight, lost the bid with 365 votes out of the 1,200-strong electoral committee.
To tread the centrist line without succumbing to the pressures of joining the establishment or becoming a yes-man to the powers that be is inherently difficult. Centrist candidates flounder in elections favouring populist rhetoric and ideological grandstanding, and fuelled by established political and economic interests within the city.


More importantly, the temptations of accessing formalised power are too irresistible amid stifled politics. To top it off, political loyalty seems to trump competence and merit as the basis for appointment to lead the city – for centrists to effect change, they must get one foot in the door. Doing so may well require them to compromise on certain issues and accept increasingly stringent red lines.
Yet I do not believe centrism is dead. It is time for those keen to uphold Hong Kong’s core values and interests to stand for a renewed, dynamic brand of centrist politics.
First, while both ends of the spectrum are increasingly preoccupied with waging an ideological war on an outsize battleground, centrists must articulate a cogent, progressive and reformist vision that fixes Hong Kong’s long-standing governance problems.


From capture by powerful, entrenched oligarchs, to the systemic exclusion of dissenting voices, and the anachronistic education system, there is much to be done. Obviously, political hacks have every incentive to turn these issues into proxy battles for their control over Hong Kong.
Yet grandiose rhetoric and zealous political correctness could never truly empower the average Hong Kong citizen – the wet-market stall vendor, the student anxious about the high-strung education system, or the young teacher struggling to afford the mortgage of a tiny flat.
Centrists cannot shy away from politics; instead, they must identify fixes for Hong Kong that are amenable to all parties, playing a crucial role in persuading the entrenched powers that reform, not stagnation, is the only way forward.


Second, centrists serve as a critical buffer between East and West – two forces whose fusion have made Hong Kong the city it is. It is indisputable that Hong Kong is deeply divided – the pro-establishment camp views the political instability and disorder as signs of foreign interference, whereas democrats and radicals believe the city’s unique culture, values and norms are increasingly dissipating with its absorption into China.
The escalation of international tensions and domestic legal changes – included the recently passed national security law – have only accelerated Hong Kong’s backslide.
Centrists must be steadfast about their commitment to ideals such as democracy, universal suffrage and civil liberties. Pro-establishment lawmakers have insisted that a lack of national security was the primary factor holding Hong Kong back from “deserving” universal suffrage. Given recent events, the time is ripe to allow universal suffrage, to introduce genuine, open competition into our politics.
This dwindling group of individuals – politicians, businesspeople and ordinary citizens – needs to convince those with genuine political power that these objectives can be achieved without upsetting Beijing’s baselines. Only then can Hong Kong stand a chance of weathering the impending cold war – and getting its mojo back.
Brian YS Wong is an MPhil (political theory) candidate at Wolfson College, Oxford, and current Rhodes Scholar-elect for Hong Kong in 2020



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Opinion


As both ends of the political spectrum wage an ideological war, centrists must articulate a cogent, progressive and reformist vision to fix the long-standing governance problems, and stand up for the city’s values



As both ends of the political spectrum wage an ideological war, centrists must articulate a cogent, progressive and reformist vision to fix the long-standing governance problems, and stand up for the city’s values.


Hong Kong political reform

Hong Kong politics

Hong Kong national security law (NSL)

Hong Kong Basic Law

John Tsang

Legislative Council of Hong Kong (Legco)

Hong Kong economy

Expresses the views, ideas and conclusions of the author. (Eg. Enough of Crazy Rich Asians, think of crazy poor Hongkongers.)


Column