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Hu Shuli

The year just past could be said to be China's year of reforms. Hopes of progress were high in 2014. So, while we commend the strides that reformers have made, we note that progress in some areas appears to be stalling. 
In the second half of 2014, the "new normal" became a catchphrase in Chinese finance, encapsulating the tug of war between the old and new approaches to the country's development. 
The new normal will continue to dominate debate in 2015. So will the implementation of the leaders' blueprints for economic and legal reforms, unveiled separately at the Central Committee's third and fourth plenums.  
The economy is already enjoying some reform dividends, thanks to initial efforts to streamline central government administration, impose some limits on government powers and overhaul the household registration system, among others. Interest rate liberalisation is proceeding faster than expected, while the initiatives to simplify business registration and extend a value-added tax, in place of a business tax, have gone down well. 
All these have helped to ensure China's economic growth remains robust even if it has slowed. 
But the reforms most critical to China's future prospects have yet to be fully launched. China is ready: the need for change is ever greater, and the conditions are right. If the country can shake itself loose from the bounds of ideology and overcome resistance from interest groups to push through some of these critical reforms, we can expect to see the more efficient allocation of resources and a fairer society. 
The new normal will act as a beacon for the next round of reforms; conversely, these reforms will advance the cause of the new normal.  
At the most recent Central Economic Work Conference, held at the end of last year, the country's top leaders as good as endorsed the goal of the new normal, and stressed their determination to remodel Chinese development: from a development model that values quantity and speed to one that prizes quality and efficiency. 
Evidently, the "new normal" is a work in progress. Beyond the economy, we see the signs of this transition everywhere: the cries for reform have grown louder, yet the resistance from vested interests has never been greater;  people  have become more active, yet they face invisible yet solid shackles; civic awareness is on the rise, yet, in reality, Chinese society has limited room for civic participation. 
If the old habits and customs don't die, China has little hope of reaching its goal of transformation. Reform is its only choice. 
Let's not forget the tortuous path the reform blueprint took. Before the 18th party congress, there was a real contest of ideas among policymakers. The blueprint that resulted was based on the "greatest common factor". Thus, the government must treat the proposal's aims, reach and depth as its bottom line, not to be changed at will, especially on issues where opinions are  divided, such as land, state-owned enterprises and the judiciary. The government must stand its ground in the implementation of the blueprint. 
 It faces tremendous challenges, to be sure. China's size and uneven development across the land - not to mention the complexities of the relations between different interest groups in society - are no small obstacles. 
The government must have a clear strategy. First, it must have a clear idea of the problems it faces and roll out the measures in response to these problems. In the process, it must strictly follow the reform blueprint, and avoid taking the easy way out.
 During implementation, officials must seek to understand the situations and problems that crop up. Decisions that affect thousands and millions must not be taken lightly, but be built on proper understanding so that any solutions taken are accurate and effective. 
The goals of reform must be communicated to the people, the measures taken be open to public assessment, and the results be shared by all. Only then can implementation be seen as a success. 
Over the past 30 years, China has benefited from its experience of "crossing the river by feeling the stones". Though this approach may still prove useful today, we should not be overly cautious and drag our feet on change. Breakthroughs are desperately needed.
We must also pay more attention to the levers for change. For instance, the experience of the Shanghai free trade area will provide useful lessons for other cities with similar ambitions, such as Tianjin  and Shenzhen.
With the investigation into former top officials such as Zhou Yongkang , Xu Caihou  and Ling Jihua , 2014 was also the year when the anti-corruption campaign took flight. As the push for reform intensifies in 2015, so should the anti-graft fight; the two must go hand in hand. This state of affairs should be part of the new normal. 


In 2015, reform will set the tone for the new normal in China

Evidently, the "new normal" is a work in progress. Photo: Reuters

Opinion

Hu Shuli says as Beijing's push for reforms intensifies, so should its anti-graft fight. And it must brace itself for stubborn opposition


Column

In 2015, reform will set the tone for the new normal in China

.css-1c6uqr6{color:inherit;font-weight:inherit;font-size:inherit;font-family:inherit;line-height:inherit;overflow-wrap:break-word;}Hu Shuli says as Beijing's push for reforms intensifies, so should its anti-graft fight. And it must brace itself for stubborn opposition

Hu Shuli says as Beijing's push for reforms intensifies, so should its anti-graft fight. And it must brace itself for stubborn opposition