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Regina Ip
Regina Ip served as Hong Kong's secretary for security from 1998 to 2003. After three years’ studies in the US, she returned to Hong Kong with a view to improving Hong Kong’s governance. She is now chairperson of New People’s Party and a legislator elected on Hong Kong Island.
Aiming to boost economic competitiveness, Lee’s third policy address embraces the city’s strong fundamentals and potential areas for growth.
The city can move beyond its reliance on mass tourism from mainland China and instead get stakeholders to offer new opportunities.
The making of victory on the Olympic stage involves a combination of factors, from population and geographic diversity to sufficient funding.
Forced now to diversify its economy, Hong Kong is moving forward on giving its industrial base the talent, land and funding that it needs.
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It’s time for the city to discard a project development model plagued by costly delays and seize opportunities from nearby cities.
The history of Hong Kong’s overseas representations on trade and economic issues goes back to well before 1997. The positive impact of the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in London over the years should not be written off lightly.
Hong Kong’s economic rebound depends, in the short term at least, on encouraging more mainland visitors, and getting them to spend more. n the longer term, to remedy the city’s housing and labour shortages, the government should develop a strategy to make use of the mainland’s resources and talent.
In passing Hong Kong’s domestic national security law, John Lee has pulled off a historic feat which none of his predecessors were able to accomplish. But, much explanation and clarification are needed to assuage concerns. Now, the campaign to tell the real story about the legislation begins.
With many negative factors weighing on the economy, Financial Secretary Paul Chan had little wiggle room. The scrapping of property market cooling measures was a good move given the knock-on effect on the economy of falling home prices and the sector’s importance to the economy.
The government has already made a better start than in 2003 with its detailed public consultation document and promise to adhere to common law principles and protect fundamental rights. Continuing efforts to clarify issues and reassure Hongkongers will be vital for success.
The falling visitor numbers, increase in Hongkongers heading to the mainland and a patchy economic recovery call for a clear-eyed recognition of the changed environment. The government must think hard about what sort of city Hong Kong will become in 10 to 20 years’ time.
The expanded constituencies mean candidates need to cover a large population, with those with deep connections to public housing estates having an advantage. Candidates relying on middle-class support to win district council seats have been left disappointed.
While acknowledging the city’s vulnerability to larger economic and geopolitical forces, the chief executive delivered a blueprint that draws on new thinking to try to rebalance Hong Kong’s economy away from its traditional reliance on tourism and finance.
The slow recovery of Hong Kong’s tourism, as Hongkongers themselves flock north, is a cautionary tale about reliance on easy money. While Hong Kong cannot possibly compete with mainland cities on price, it must strengthen and highlight its unique, even high-end, attractions.
With all the toxic politics in Washington and the US obsession with global dominance, isn’t America a greater threat to global peace and stability than China?
Multiple initiatives are in place to stem the outflow of civil servants and recruit new talent, but departures continue. The government should explore changes to officers’ retirement age, sweeten benefits packages and offer tailor-made training and promotion to those who excel.
A decade ago, John Kerry suggested a polarised US learn from China and boost domestic investment. Instead, Washington chose to target China and stifle its rise. It may be working – but slowing Chinese growth will cost the US and the rest of the world.
There is no need for Taiwan to be a tinderbox for US-China relations. The US can simply return to its one-China policy, laid out in three joint communiques.
A mantra of ‘small government, big market’ has held Hong Kong back while its regional peers have made impressive strides in innovation. But now an industrial policy is finally taking shape, with Beijing’s support and backed by a raft of measures and generous funds.
Government must rethink the balance of approaching private developers to fund mega projects, or it will never break the property hegemony nor free Hongkongers from the yoke of high land prices.
From tackling housing and youth development to reconnecting the city to China and the world, the chief executive crammed a lot into his first six months on the job. His early successes will pave the way for achieving more long-term goals like economic integration and growth.
From children to civil servants, Beijing is determinedly teaching the Basic Law, constitution, national security – and that Hong Kong is an inalienable part of China. Such nation-building efforts are likely to intensify in the coming years as China looks to reshape Hong Kong in its image.
If Hong Kong wants to continue to succeed in China’s new-era socialist system, its people must maintain their capacity for independent thinking and outward-looking character.
The US needs to work towards preventing financial Armageddon and realise that China is not seeking to become a global hegemon. Washington should come to terms with a new, multipolar and multicivilisational world, and resume its role as an agent for growth and peace.
A brain drain is nothing new for Hong Kong but, this time, it faces a particularly difficult task in retaining talent and replenishing its depleted base of skilled manpower. Beleaguered employers are looking to John Lee to announce bold, ambitious talent-acquisition measures.
Hong Kong’s spokespersons must counter both accusations of suppression of freedoms and the narrative that the economy is withering under the weight of Covid-19 restrictions. But our political and business elite are experienced at promoting the city overseas, which itself has a track record of overcoming adversity.
Hong Kong’s legal safeguards, wealth and depth of talent remain intact, while its mainland connections and international mindset continue to be its greatest strengths. It’s up to Hongkongers to build on these unique advantages and voice its role to both the mainland and the rest of world.
As more officers from the disciplined services take up key leadership posts, there’s talk the Administrative Service – a legacy of British rule – may fade in importance. The opposite is true: administrative officers’ expertise in various fields, command of detail and loyalty to the system are still much appreciated.
The violent protests over Carrie Lam’s ill-fated fugitive offenders bill, and Beijing’s subsequent strong measures to assert its overall jurisdiction have caused a sea change in Hong Kong. The next leader bears the twin responsibilities of safeguarding national security and reviving Hong Kong’s global linkages and dynamism.
The British government sees fit to criticise the national security law even as it introduces a harsh new police bill at home. As for the Sino-British Joint Declaration, London itself has gone back on its agreement with Beijing that it would not grant BN(O) status to future generations
